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"What if the work of a nurse, physio or homecare worker was designated an art, so that the qualities of the experiences they create became understood as aesthetic qualities? What if the interactions and physical connections created by artists, directors, dancers, or workshop facilitators was understood as a work of care? Care Aesthetics is the first full length book to explore these questions and examine the work of carer artists and artist carers to make the case for the importance of valuing and supporting aesthetically caring relations across multiple aspects of our lives. Theoretically and practically the book outlines the implications of care aesthetics for the socially engaged arts field and health and social care, and for acts of aesthetic care in the everyday. Part One of the book outlines the approaches to aesthetics and to care theory that are necessary to make and defend the concept of care aesthetics. Part Two then tests this through practice, examining socially engaged arts and health and social care through its lens. It makes the case for careful art exploring the implications of care aesthetics for participatory or applied arts. Then it argues for artful care and how an aesthetic orientation to care practices might challenge some of the inadequacies of contemporary care. This is a vital, paradigm-shifting book for anyone engaged with socially engaged arts or social and health care practices, on an academic or professional level"--

In Making North America, James Thompson uses the Canada-US Free Trade Agreement of 1988 and the North American Free Trade Agreement of 1994 to demonstrate that there has been an often-unrecognized impulse behind the process of North American integration - national security

In Making North America, James Thompson uses the Canada-US Free Trade Agreement of 1988 and the North American Free Trade Agreement of 1994 to demonstrate that there has been an often-unrecognized impulse behind the process of North American integration - national security.

Newspapers, periodicals, pamphlets and books all reflect the ubiquity of 'public opinion' in political discourse in late nineteenth and early twentieth-century Britain. Through close attention to debates across the political spectrum, James Thompson charts the ways in which Britons sought to locate 'public opinion' in an era prior to polling. He shows that 'public opinion' was the principal term through which the link between the social and the political was interrogated, charted and contested and charts how the widespread conviction that the public was growing in power raised significant issues about the kind of polity emerging in Britain. He also examines how the early Labour party negotiated the language of 'public opinion' and sought to articulate Labour interests in relation to those of the public. In so doing he sheds important new light on the character of Britain's liberal political culture and on Labour's place in and relationship to that culture

Scholars have argued that "divided nations" (i.e., countries that have split into separate political entities) have distinct characteristics in the international system, and this model has been applied to China-Taiwan relations. Yet, despite ethnic, cultural, linguistic, and historical ties, the current state of cross-Strait relations does not resemble classic cases of the "divided nation" model such as East and West Germany, North and South Vietnam, or North and South Korea, not least because power asymmetry is a major feature of the relationship. China's largely one-sided demands for "reunification" with Taiwan share more similarities with Germany's approach to Austria in the 1930s. Both are cases of an aggressor state seeking to annex the territory of a smaller, sovereign neighbor based on a revanchist ideology that stems from perceived notions of "national humiliation" by outside powers and ethno-nationalist ideas of a shared blood community. Germany's annexation of Austria in 1938 was the result of overwhelming German military power and political decision-making in the dictatorship of the Third Reich rather than ethnic, cultural, or historical ties. Germany's invasion and occupation of Austria and the transformations of German and Austrian national identity after 1945 show that the "divided nation" model is contingent on historical and ideological subjectivities and not objective, scholarly analysis. Scholars of cross-Strait relations should approach the subject without reference to this model and instead focus on the political struggle between Chinese authoritarianism and Taiwanese democracy on the question of Taiwanese sovereignty in addition to Taiwan's pivotal role in the great power conflict between the United States and China.

Abstract
During the 1960s Roger Corman produced a series of adaptations based on the literature of Edgar Allan Poe, known commonly as his Poe cycle. They were B-films but they were also prestige pictures, flagship films for production company American International Pictures. This article argues that Corman embarked upon a renewal of Poe's literary influence through creative mistranslation and examines two of Corman's films. The Fall of the House of Usher (1960) signifies the "best" and "worst" of this series. The first of the cycle, it set a tone that was emulated by all the films to follow. The Terror (1963), a so-called honorary member of the cycle, has not had the deserved theoretical or critical attention, especially in studies of adaptation in the cinema and questions of translation, transmutation, and transfiguration. The Terror, in fact, might represent one of Corman's most enduring contributions to filmic art.

By examining a very visible class hierarchy in the distant past, students come to a better understanding of the class system they are immersed in.

This article re-examines the British left between 1880 and 1914 in a European frame. It begins by exploring the enduring relevance of comparison through a brief review of recent historiographical trends, notably the global and transnational turns. Recognizing the importance of these bodies of literature, it nonetheless suggests that placing Britain in a European mirror remains a useful means of tracing and understanding political and intellectual developments. It proceeds to reassess the 'socialist revival' of the 1880s in Britain. It focuses especially upon the early Fabians, and emphasizes the centrality of ethical concerns in the metropolitan milieu from which the first Fabians emerge. It emphasizes, and places in comparative perspective, the legacy of romanticism and the impact of Ireland in understanding the forms of socialist identification in the 1880s. The ideological complexion of the British left was more distinctive in European terms by 1914 than in the 1880s. The context of party competition is shown to be crucial in explaining the institutional form that labour politics assumed in early twentieth century Britain. It was, however, the legacy of the trans-war period up to the 1920s that served a more distancing function.

This article reconstructs the visual culture of politics in Edwardian London through a study of the 1907 London County Council election. It moves beyond the memorable account given in Graham Wallas's Human Nature in Politics to examine the actors, especially associations and newspapers, that participated in the election. Drawing upon 'local' and 'national' newspapers, election addresses, cartoon, leaflets and posters, the essay assesses continuity and change, 'tradition' and 'modernity' in the visual practices of London politics.